Realism is transformative—it can synthesize critical theories to provide effective strategies of change




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SCFI 2010 Tournament Updates

Team Jabob & the STGs ___ of ___

Index


Index 1

Realism Good / K Answers 2

Realism Good / K Answers 3

Realism Good / K Answers 4

Realism Good / K Answers 5

US-Turkey Relations 6

NPT- Now is Key Time 8

Updates- Turkey 9

Turkey Proliferation 10

ROK Middle Power Adv 11

ROK Middle Power Adv 13

ROK Middle Power Adv 15

ROK Middle Power Adv 17

ROK Topicality 19

Topicality 20

Neg- S. Korea stability 21

Neg – N. Korea war impacts wont happen 22

Iraq neg 24

Immigration 25

Troop withdrawal 26

Uniqueness—Midterms—Dems win 28

Midterms- General Nonunique 29

Democrats Win 30

Climate bill non-unique—Reid Gave Up. 31

AT—You make women look like victims 32

1ac- VAW 34

US-China Relations Low 35

US-China Relations Bad: Tensions High 38

US-China Relations Bad: Causes Trade War 40

US-Iraq Relations Bad: Syria 42

US-Iraq Relations Bad: Iran 44

US-Turkey Relations Low: Hurts EU-Turkey 45

US-Japan Relations Bad 46

Iranian Prolif Bad 48

A2: US-Russian War Good 49

A2: Retrenchment- TNW Withdrawal Bad 50

Impact D- Terrorism 51


Realism Good / K Answers


Realism is transformative—it can synthesize critical theories to provide effective strategies of change

Murray 97 (Alastair J.H. Murray, Politics Department, University of Wales Swansea, Reconstructing Realism, 1997, p. 178-9)


In Wendt’s constructivism, the argument appears in its most basic version, presenting an analysis of realist assumptions which associate it with a conservative account of human nature. In Linklater's critical theory it moves a stage further, presenting an analysis of realist theory which locates it within a conservative discourse of statecentrism. In Ashley's poststructuralism it reaches its highest form, presenting an analysis of realist strategy which locates it not merely within a conservative statist order, but, moreover, within an active conspiracy of silence to reproduce it. Finally, in Tickner's feminism, realism becomes all three simultaneously and more besides, a vital player in a greater, overarching, masculine conspiracy against femininity. Realism thus appears, first, as a doctrine providing the grounds for a relentless pessimism, second, as a theory which provides an active justification for such pessimism, and, third, as a strategy which proactively seeks to enforce this pessimism, before it becomes the vital foundation underlying all such pessimism in international theory. Yet, an examination of the arguments put forward from each of these perspectives suggests not only that the effort to locate realism within a conservative, rationalist camp is untenable, but, beyond this, that realism is able to provide reformist strategies which are superior to those that they can generate themselves. The progressive purpose which motivates the critique of realism in these perspectives ultimately generates a bias which undermines their own ability to generate effective strategies of transition. In constructivism, this bias appears in its most limited version, producing strategies so divorced from the obstacles presented by the current structure of international politics that they threaten to become counterproductive. In critical theory it moves a stage further, producing strategies so abstract that one is at a loss to determine what they actually imply in terms of the current structure of international politics. And, in postmodernism, it reaches its highest form, producing an absence of such strategies altogether, until we reach the point at which we are left with nothing but critique. Against this failure, realism contains the potential to act as the basis of a more constructive approach to [IR] international relations, incorporating many of the strengths of reflectivism and yet avoiding its weaknesses. It appears, in the final analysis, as an opening within which some synthesis of rationalism and reflectivism, of conservatism and progressivism, might be built.


Realism Good / K Answers


Despite the proliferation of non-realist discourse states remain at the center of international relations and they continue to care about security

Mearsheimer 05 (John Mearsheimer, Ph.D. and Professor of Politics at the University of Chicago, 2005, “E.H. Carr vs. Idealism: the Battle Rages On.” International Relations, p. 147-148)

In keeping with the tradition established by Carr, I would like to offer an assessment of post-Cold War idealism. I have three main points. First, while the contemporary idealists have produced a rich body of scholarship, it is not going to transform international politics or how we study the subject in any meaningful way. The best evidence that realism is not headed down the road to oblivion is the remarkable staying power of The Twenty Years’ Crisis. That book – which is a realist tract – is still considered the most important work on international relations theory ever written in Britain. Moreover, it continues to attract widespread attention among idealists. Indeed, over the past 15 years, they have produced a veritable cottage industry of articles and books about Carr and his ideas.38 Perhaps no work better illustrates the continuing relevance of Carr’s ideas than The Eighty Years’ Crisis: International Relations, 1919–1999, a book of essays published in 1998 by Cambridge University Press. The editors – Tim Dunne, Michael Cox, and Ken Booth – a distinguished group of idealists for sure, wrote in the introduction: To underline the point that E.H. Carr provides the inspiration behind the volume, we have not only exploited the title of his best-known book in international relations, we have also borrowed his chapter titles and section headings in what follows. The fact that this was easily possible, offers clear testimony to the continuing relevance of Carr’s questions – and indeed some of the answers.39 They go on to say, ‘In our judgment, The Twenty Years’ Crisis is one of the few books in 80 years of the discipline which leave us nowhere to hide.’40 The reason that The Twenty Years’ Crisis is still relevant is that there are enduring features of world politics about which realism has a lot to say. For example, the state remains the main actor in the international system and people around the globe remain deeply loyal to their own state. And people without a state, like the Palestinians, the Kurds, and the Chechens, are determined to create one. The main reason that most people privilege the state over both the individual and the whole of humanity is nationalism, which remains the most powerful political ideology on the planet and shows few signs of disappearing anytime soon. I might add that many peoples want states because they are in fact interested in human security, and they realize that peoples who do not have their own state are often vulnerable to the predations of others. After all, why did the Zionists want to create the state of Israel? Carr hinted in The Twenty Years’ Crisis, and then clearly stated after World War II, that nationalism was a spent force and that the nation-state was rapidly becoming an anachronism.41 But he was wrong. Nationalism remains a potent force, as the American and British militaries have discovered in Iraq, and as the Israelis are reminded every day in the occupied territories. Furthermore, states still care greatly about security in the traditional military sense of the term. The United States, after all, has fought five wars since the Cold War ended, and Britain has fought alongside its close ally in all of them. Moreover, it is possible, although unlikely, that China and the United States could end up in a shooting war over Taiwan within the next few years. Most importantly, we live in a world where there are thousands of nuclear weapons and where the number of states with nuclear arsenals seems sure to grow in the years ahead. Nuclear war is not likely, but one would be foolish to argue that it cannot happen. It is not difficult, for example, to posit plausible scenarios where India and Pakistan end up using nuclear weapons against each other. All of this is to say that states still worry about their survival, and military power still counts a lot for them. In such a world, Carr is sure to remain not just a great power in Britain, to use Wight’s words, but the greatest power.

Realism Good / K Answers


Threats are key to survival. Only realism can address violence. Critical approaches promise abstractions but don’t provide a concrete solution.

Murray 97 (Alastair Murray, Politics Department, University of Wales Swansea, Reconstructing Realism, 1997, p. 185-186)

Linklater seems to go some way towards acknowledging this in Beyond Realism and Marxism, recognising Morgenthau's commitment, in contrast to neorealism, to widening community beyond the nationstate. What he now suggests, however, is that `[w]hat realism offers is an account of historical circumstances which human subjects have yet to bring under their collective control. What it does not possess is an account of the modes of political intervention which would enable human beings to take control of their international history."' The issue becomes less a matter of what realism does, than what it does not do, less the way it constructs the problem, than its failure to solve it. Yet Linklater concedes that `it is not at all clear that any strand of social and political thought provides a compelling account of "strategies of transition"'. Indeed, where he has attempted to engage with this issue himself, he has proved manifestly unable to provide such an account. Although he has put forward some ideas of what is needed  a fundamental reorganisation of political relations, establishing a global legal order to replace the sovereign state, and a fundamental rearrangement of economic relations, establishing an order in which all individuals have the means as well as the formal rights of freedom  his only suggestion as to how such objectives should be achieved seems to be that `[s]ocial development entails individuals placing themselves at odds with their societies as they begin to question conventional means of characterising outsiders and to criticise customary prohibitions upon individual relations with them'. His critical theoretical `transitional strategies' amount to little more than the suggestion that individuals must demand recognition for themselves as men as well as citizens, must demand the right to enter into complex interstate relations themselves, and must act in these relations as beings with fundamental obligations to all other members of the species." More recently, he has proposed a vision in which `subnational and transnational citizenship are strengthened and in which mediating between the different loyalties and identities present within modem societies is one central purpose of the postWestphalian state'. Such an objective is to be reached by a discourse ethics along the lines of that proposed by Habermas. Yet such an ethics amounts to little more than the suggestion `that human beings need to be reflective about the ways in which they include and exclude others from dialogue', scarcely going beyond Linklater's earlier emphasis on individuals acting as men as well as citizens. Realism does at least propose tangible objectives which, whilst perhaps lacking the visionary appeal of Linklater's proposals, ultimately offer us a path to follow, and it does at least suggest a strategy of realisation, emphasising the necessity of a restrained, moderate diplomacy, which, if less daring than Linklater might wish, provides us with some guidance. It is this inability to articulate practical strategies which suggests the central difficulty with such critical theoretical approaches. The progressive urge moves a stage further here, leading them to abandon almost entirely the problem of establishing some form of stable international order at this level in favour of a continuing revolution in search of a genuine cosmopolis. It generates such an emphasis on the pursuit of distant, ultimate objectives that they prove incapable of furnishing us with anything but the most vague and elusive of strategies, such an emphasis on moving towards a postWestphalian, boundaryless world that they are incapable of telling us anything about the problems facing us today. If, for theorists such as Linklater, such a difficulty does not constitute a failure for critical theory within its own terms of reference, this position cannot be accepted uncritically. Without an ability to address contemporary problems, it is unable to provide strategies to overcome even the immediate obstacles in the way of its objective of a genuinely cosmopolitan society. And, without a guarantee that such a cosmopolitan society is even feasible, such a critical theoretical perspective simply offers us the perpetual redefinition of old problems in a new context and the persistent creation of new problems to replace old ones, without even the luxury of attempting to address them.


Realism Good / K Answers


Rejecting our plan in favor of the critique privileges semantics over real human suffering – we should be able to respond to threats to human life and dignity in the status quo without worrying about whether we overly securitize threats.

Onuf 2000 (Nicholas Onuf, Professor, International Relatoins, Florida International University, Symposium on the Norms and Ethics of Humanitarian Intervention, Center for Global Peace and Conflict Studies Working Paper 00-03, May 5, 2000, http://hypatia.ss.uci.edu/gpacs/OnufHumanitarian.pdf.)

Paradoxically, if an emergency is defined as a situation calling for immediate action, then these situations cease to be emergencies–immediate action remedied nothing. In the meantime, human misery deepens. It is no wonder, then, that suffering becomes secondary, as violations of human rights take priority. At least this is a tendency among progressive liberals for whom the situation has become an inescapable morass, and for whom human rights are the great project of social reform in our time. Critics of liberalism think little of the human rights movement. They are disposed to see social reform activism, and more generally the development of civil society, as a manifestation of “global liberal governance” or, more scornfully, “liberal peace.” According to Michael Dillon and Julian Reid, “liberal peace finds itself deeply implicated in a terrain of disorder in which some states are powerful, some states are in radical dissolution, traditional societies are collapsing and civil conflict is endemic, where international corporations and criminal cartels are also involved, and where international organizations and nongovernmental organizations are inextricably committed as well.” Dillon and Reid have argued against calling the more striking manifestations of global disorder “complex emergencies” because doing so unduly simplifies their “vexed political character” and masks the degree to which global liberal governance is implicated in making them so vexed. Their alternative description–“emerging political complexes”–implies that the people who want to call these situations “emergencies” are cynically motivated. Perhaps some humanitarian liberals are cynically motivated; others no doubt have complex political motivations–people always do. Yet banishing “emergency” from our vocabulary because people have mixed motives in calling for immediate action has the untoward result of forestalling action that could help the many victims of the liberal peace and its global disorder. Progressive liberals and their critics both end up making suffering secondary to their own programmatic concerns.

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